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| President Elias Boudinot and Nassau Hall Medallion Click Here to view the US Mint & Coin Acts 1782-1792 |
Philadelphia | Sept. 5, 1774 to Oct. 24, 1774 | |
Philadelphia | May 10, 1775 to Dec. 12, 1776 | |
Baltimore | Dec. 20, 1776 to Feb. 27, 1777 | |
Philadelphia | March 4, 1777 to Sept. 18, 1777 | |
Lancaster | September 27, 1777 | |
York | Sept. 30, 1777 to June 27, 1778 | |
Philadelphia | July 2, 1778 to June 21, 1783 | |
Princeton | June 30, 1783 to Nov. 4, 1783 | |
Annapolis | Nov. 26, 1783 to Aug. 19, 1784 | |
Trenton | Nov. 1, 1784 to Dec. 24, 1784 | |
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New York City | March 3,1789 to August 12, 1790 | |
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Washington DC | November 17,1800 to Present |
In the summer of 1783, the third United States in Congress Assembled (USCA) convened in Philadelphia’s State House (Independence Hall) under the Articles of Confederation. The nation, still fragile and on the verge of insolvency, was grappling with obligations under the Preliminary Treaty of Peace that had been in effect since November 1782, which formalized the end of the Revolutionary War. Among the pressing issues was the demand for repayment of war debts, including substantial arrears in military payrolls, which weighed heavily on the fledgling Congress.
On June 21, 1783, the tension reached a breaking point when Continental troops stationed in Lancaster, Pennsylvania, frustrated by months of unpaid wages, mutinied. Around 300 soldiers joined them from Philadelphia’s barracks, and together they marched to Independence Hall, surrounding the building where both the USCA and the Pennsylvania Executive Council were in session. The mutineers demanded immediate action on their overdue pay, issuing an ultimatum to Congress: comply with their demands within twenty minutes or face the consequences of an agitated, armed soldiery.
President of the USCA Elias Boudinot urgently appealed to the Pennsylvania Assembly, which was also in session, to call out the state militia to protect the government. However, Pennsylvania’s Executive Council, led by President John Dickinson, refused, fearing that local soldiers would sympathize with the mutineers and only exacerbate the crisis. Major General Arthur St. Clair, a Continental Army veteran stationed in Philadelphia, was summoned to mediate, but his initial assessment provided little hope. The Journals of the United States in Congress Assembled for June 21, 1783, record:
“The mutinous soldiers presented themselves, drawn up in the street before the State House, where Congress had assembled. The executive Council of the State sitting under the same roof, was called on for the proper interposition. President Dickinson came in and explained the difficulty under actual circumstances of bringing out the militia of the place for the suppression of the mutiny. He thought that without some outrages on persons or property, the temper of the militia could not be relied on."
As Congress deliberated its response, several prominent members, including Alexander Hamilton, proposed that St. Clair and the Pennsylvania Executive Council attempt to defuse the situation by engaging with the troops and assuring them that Congress intended to address their grievances. However, Congress remained resolute in its refusal to negotiate directly with the mutineers, wary of setting a precedent that might undermine its authority.
Meanwhile, the soldiers stationed outside Independence Hall began to grow restless. While they refrained from overt violence, they menacingly brandished their muskets toward the windows of the Hall, and individual soldiers occasionally voiced their frustrations loudly, heightening tensions. Observers noted that local taverns had begun serving “spirituous drink” to the soldiers, raising fears that the soldiers’ restraint could quickly dissolve into chaos if fueled by alcohol.
In this posture of things, it was proposed by Mr. Izard that Congress, should adjourn. It was proposed by Mr. Hamilton, that General St. Clair in concert with the Executive Council of the State should take order for terminating the mutiny. Mr. Reed moved that the General should endeavor to withdraw the troops by assuring them of the disposition of Congress to do them justice. … In the meantime the Soldiers remained in their position, without offering any violence, individuals only occasionally uttering offensive words and wantonly pointed their Muskets to the Windows of the Hall of Congress. No danger from premeditated violence was apprehended, but it was observed that spirituous drink from the tippling houses adjoining began to be liberally served out to the Soldiers, & might lead to hasty excesses. "
In an effort to prevent an escalation, Major General St. Clair and Alexander Hamilton, chair of a special congressional committee, approached the soldiers directly, listening to their demands and reporting back to President Boudinot. Congress, however, refused to be swayed by the mutineers’ show of force and ordered St. Clair to disperse the soldiers and return them to their barracks. - (The St. Clair Papers: The Life and Public Services of Arthur St. Clair page 116 ) The
Congress then adjourned and led by Major General Arthur St. Clair, the delegates exited Independence Hall through a line of agitated troops. The soldiers, armed and visibly frustrated, allowed the delegation to pass, though they occasionally mocked and obstructed their path, underscoring the grave security concerns that had plagued Congress in recent days.
President Elias Boudinot, determined to secure the assembly’s safety, moved swiftly to notify key military and political leaders of the situation.
In a letter to General George Washington, stationed with his troops in Newburgh, New York, Boudinot recounted the events with urgency:
"I am greatly mortified that our circumstances here oblige me to trouble your Excellency with a detail highly disagreeable and perplexing... All endeavors to oblige the men to return to Lancaster proved ineffectual... General St. Clair was sent for, and matters seemed tolerably easy till this morning, when they positively refused all obedience to their Officers and seemed forming a design to be troublesome by evening."
Boudinot described how the soldiers, bolstered by the Philadelphia barracks, had formed a group of about 500 men and surrounded Independence Hall, where both the Pennsylvania Executive Council and Congress were in session. The mutineers issued a stark ultimatum, demanding that the council allow them to elect their own officers to represent their grievances, threatening to “turn in an enraged soldiery” upon the council should their demands be ignored.
“Congress being adjourned till Monday, I thought proper to call them together at One o'clock. Six States had got together when the mutineers, joined by those of the Barracks before their arrival in Town, very unexpectedly appeared before and surrounded the State House, with fixed Bayonets... The mutineers sent in a paper, demanding of the President and Council to authorize them to choose their own officers... if nothing was then done, they would turn in an enraged Soldiery on the Council who would do themselves justice, and the Council must abide the consequences.”
The Pennsylvania Executive Council, led by President John Dickinson, hesitated to call out the militia, fearing that local soldiers would sympathize with the mutineers and escalate the crisis. Boudinot recounted how Congress members unanimously instructed him to alert Washington to the "unjustifiable Movement," urging a swift response. Washington’s reply came promptly, expressing both indignation and resolve. The general condemned the mutiny, contrasting the behavior of the Pennsylvania troops with the disciplined veterans who had endured immense hardship without complaint:
“I suffer the most poignant distress in observing that a handful of men, contemptible in numbers, and equally so in point of Service... should disgrace themselves as the Pennsylvania Mutineers have done, by insulting the Sovereign Authority of the United States and that of their own... I cannot sufficiently express my surprise and indignation, at the arrogance, the folly, and the wickedness of the Mutineers.”
Washington immediately ordered three full regiments of infantry and a detachment of artillery, totaling over 1,500 troops, to march toward Philadelphia. He assured Boudinot that these soldiers were men of "tried fidelity" and expressed confidence that they would perform their duty with honor.
Amid growing concerns about the safety of Congress in Philadelphia, Boudinot turned to his connections in New Jersey. On June 23, he wrote to his brother Elisha, requesting his support in mobilizing local forces to protect Congress in a new location, likely Princeton. Boudinot’s letter revealed his deep frustration with Pennsylvania’s inaction:
"About 3 or 400 [mutineers] surrounded Congress and the Supreme Executive Council, and kept us Prisoners in a manner near three hours, tho' they offered no insult personally. To my great mortification, not a Citizen came to our assistance... Congress will not meet here, but has authorized me to change their place of residence. I mean to adjourn to Princeton if the Inhabitants of Jersey will protect us."
Boudinot’s call for assistance was well received in New Jersey. Governor William Livingston responded with a pledge of support, stating:
“If that august body shall think proper to honor this state with their presence, I make not the least doubt that the citizens of New Jersey will cheerfully turn out to repel any violence that may be attempted against them; and as soon as I shall be informed of the movement of Congress to this state... I shall with the greatest alacrity give the necessary orders, and think myself not a little honored by being personally engaged in defending the representatives of the United States against every insult and indignity.”
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Exhibited is a printed letter published in The Connecticut Journal from NJ Governor William Livingston to President Boudinot, dated 24th June, 1783 |
The sense of urgency and solidarity was echoed by New Jersey’s Vice President of the Council, John Cox, who assembled local inhabitants to rally around Congress:
“The moment I received your Excellency’s favor on the 23d instant, I summoned a meeting of the inhabitants of Trenton and the vicinity... immediately entered the enclosed resolves... we are determined, at the same risque, not to be wanting in our efforts to suppress [anarchy]... if they in their wisdom, think proper to adjourn to, or fix their residence in this State.”
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Exhibited is a printed letter of John Cox and resolutions issued At a meeting of the inhabitants of Trenton and the vicinity, at the French Arms, on the 24th June 1783. From the Vice President of the Council of New Jersey, to the President of Congress. Trenton, June 25, 1783:
Having been informed, from undoubted authority, that a most gross and daring insult has been offered to Congress, the Supreme Government of the American Union, by a number of lawless people in arms, assembled at the State-House in Philadelphia on Saturday last:
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"Convinced how few accommodations this small village possesses... we wish to offer them every convenience that the College, in its present state, can afford. If the Hall, or the library room, can be made of any service to Congress... we pray that they would accept of them during their continuance in this place."
Despite these reassurances, the Pennsylvania Supreme Council offered no guarantee of protection. Frustrated by the state’s failure to ensure the security of Congress, Boudinot took decisive action. On June 24, he issued a proclamation announcing Congress’s relocation to Princeton:
“Whereas a body of armed soldiers in the service of the United States, and quartered in the barracks of this city, having mutinously renounced their obedience to their officers, did, on Saturday this instant, proceed under the direction of their sergeants, in a hostile and threatening manner to the place in which Congress were assembled... and whereas the said committee have reported to me, that they have not received satisfactory assurances for expecting adequate and prompt exertions of this state for supporting the dignity of the federal government; and also whereas the said soldiers still continue in a state of open mutiny and revolt... I do therefore, by and with the advice of the said Committee... hereby summon the Honorable the Delegates composing the Congress of the United States... to meet in Congress on Thursday the 26th of June instant, at Princetown, in the state of New Jersey."
The USCA Proclamation was published in various Newspapers including the Connecticut Journal and London Chronicle:
Boudinot’s decision to move Congress to Princeton was influenced by his personal ties to the town and the support he anticipated from the community. As a former resident, a trustee of the College of New Jersey, and the husband of Hannah Stockton—whose family was prominent in Princeton society—Boudinot was confident in the town’s ability to safeguard Congress.
This relocation marked a significant moment in U.S. history, underscoring the vulnerabilities of the federal government under the Articles of Confederation and igniting calls for a stronger, more centralized authority. The events of June 1783 highlighted the limits of state protection for federal institutions and fueled momentum for constitutional reform, shaping the future of the United States government. Congress’s move to Princeton, supported by New Jersey’s leadership and the Stocktons’ influence, would forever stand as a testament to the nation’s resilience and determination to uphold its sovereignty, even in the face of internal threats.
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| Exhibited here is a document signed by William Livingston the Governor of New Jersey who President Boudinot wrote on June 22nd, 1783 requesting his assistance and assurances of protection should the USCA decide to move the US Seat of Government to New Jersey. Governor Livingston, who go on to be a signer of the US Constitution of 1787, promptly responded the President on June 24th: |
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| Annis Boudinot Stockton (1736-1801), 1734 - 1767, attributed to John Wollaston, (1734 - 1767), Princeton University Art Museum |
Annis Boudinot Stockton played an essential role in welcoming her brother, Elias Boudinot, to Princeton by offering Morven, the grand Stockton family estate, as his residence during his term as President of the United States in Congress Assembled. Her support provided not only a dignified home for him but also a space for hosting critical meetings and official functions.
Since the death of her husband, Richard Stockton—an influential lawyer, signer of the Declaration of Independence, and esteemed leader in New Jersey—Annis had taken on the full responsibilities of managing Morven. She ran the estate with remarkable skill, overseeing finances, supervising servants and enslaved workers, and attending to the complex demands of daily operations. Through her grace, intellect, and social influence, Annis upheld the Stockton family’s prominence and became a respected figure in New Jersey society.
Known for her warmth and hospitality, Annis frequently hosted distinguished guests at Morven, among them George and Martha Washington. Her gatherings reflected her talent for bringing people together, and her reputation as a gracious hostess made Morven a natural setting for the President’s official residence. While her sister-in-law, Hannah Stockton Boudinot, remained in Philadelphia to care for her children, Annis took on the “First Lady” duties in Princeton, hosting congressmen, diplomats, and military officers at presidential dinners and formal gatherings. Her presence and skill in managing these events added dignity to her brother’s position and offered a refined, welcoming environment for America’s leaders.
Annis Stockton’s influence extended beyond the social sphere; she was also one of the earliest celebrated female poets in America. Writing during the Revolutionary and post-Revolutionary periods, she used her poetry to celebrate patriotism, honor the country’s new leaders, and voice her hopes for the nation. Her works, many of which were dedicated to George Washington, appeared in prominent newspapers and periodicals, earning her recognition as the first American woman poet to be widely published in the British American Colonies. Her poems captured the spirit of her time and reflected the pride and optimism of the young nation, further enhancing her reputation as a pioneering female voice in American literature.
The influence Annis wielded in Princeton society was profound, and her connection to Elias likely played a pivotal role in his choice to establish Princeton, rather than Trenton, as the temporary seat of the United States government in 1783. Annis and her sister-in-law, Hannah, shared a deep commitment to supporting the fledgling government, and their efforts undoubtedly shaped this decision.
Today, Annis Stockton’s legacy endures, celebrated for her literary contributions and her role in American social history. Her portrait—attributed to the artist John Wollaston—hangs in the Princeton University Art Museum, a testament to her intellect, patriotism, and grace. Her life at Morven, as both poet and hostess to America’s founding leaders, left an indelible mark on the nation’s early years, and she remains an emblem of the powerful influence women wielded in shaping America’s foundational era.
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| Exhibited is the November 1786 Columbian Magazine is Annis Boudinot Stockton's Poem entitled A POETICAL EPISTLE, addressed by a LADY of New Jersey, to her NIECE, upon her Marriage, in this City. Stockton gives her newly wed niece poetic advice on the proper behavior for a wife in the eighteenth century. She has signed it with the pen name Emilia, which she often used.
Well! my lov’d Niece, I hear the Bustle’s o’er,
The wedding cake and visits are no more;
Now with your usual sweetness deign to hear,
What from a heart most friendly flows sincere:
Good nature—sense—of these you’ve ample store,
And Oeconomicks you have learnt before.
But there are lurking evils that do prove
Under the name of trifles—death to love.
And from these trifles, all the jarring springs,
And trust me child, they’re formidable things.
First then—with rev’rence treat in ev’ry place,
The chosen patron of your future days;
For when you shew him but the least neglect,
Yourself you rifle of your due respect.
Whene’er your husband means to stay at home,
Whate’er th’ occasion—dont consent to roam;
For home’s a solitary place to one
Who loves his wife, and finds her always gone.
At least consult the temper of his mind,
If vex’d abroad, he finds himself inclin’d
From public business to relax awhile;
How pleasing then the solace of a smile.
A soft companion to relieve his care,
His joy to heighten—or his grief to share?
Unbend his thoughts and from the world retire,
within his sacred home and round his chearful fire;
Nor let him know you’ve made a sacrifice,
He’ll find it out himself: And then he’ll prize
Your kind endeavors to promote his ease,
And make the study of your life to please.
Another rule, you’ll find of equal weight,
When jars subside, never recriminate;
And when the cloud is breaking from his brow,
Repeat not what he said—nor when nor how.
If he’s tenacious, gently give him way
And tho’ ’tis night, if he should say, ’tis day—
Dispute it not—but pass it with a smile;
He’ll recollect himself—and pay your toil
And shew he views it in a proper light;
And no Confusion seek—to do you right:
Just in his humour meet him—no debate,
And let it be your pleasure to forget.
His friends with kindness always entertain,
And tho’ by chance he brings them, ne’er complain;
whate’er’s provided for himself and you,
With neatness serv’d, will surely please them too.
But you, my dear—if you would wish to shine,
Must always say, your friends are also mine.
The house is your’s, and I will do the best,
To give a chearful welcome to each guest.
Nor are those maxims difficult to cope
When stimulated by so fair a hope,
To reach the summit of domestic bliss;
And crown each day with ever smiling peace.
Now if these lines one caution should contain.
To gain that end, my labor’s not in vain;
And be assur’d my dear, while life endures
With every tender sentiment, I’m your’s.
Emilia
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Built in 1756 for the College, Nassau Hall was the largest stone structure in the Colonies, spanning 175 feet with brick-paved halls. Originally costing £2,900, the stately structure featured three arched doors leading to the main entryways, a central section adorned with circular windows and a cupola rising above twelve chimneys, lending the building an air of quiet authority. Its simple interior included forty rooms, a two-story prayer hall, and a cellar that served as a kitchen, dining area, and storeroom.¹
During the Revolutionary War, Nassau Hall was occupied by British forces who used it as barracks and a hospital. By the war’s end, it was in disrepair, with “mostly bare partition walls and heaps of fallen plaster.”² Despite its condition, Nassau Hall became the temporary seat of government, housing Congress’s sessions in the library room above the main entrance. For ceremonial occasions, such as welcoming dignitaries, sessions were held in the larger prayer hall on the main floor.
Princeton’s economy boomed with Congress’s arrival. In just a week, Princeton transformed from a "little obscure village" into the "capital of America." Its quiet streets bustled with “wagons, coaches, and chairs,” and weekly deliveries from Philadelphia markets brought “pineapples, oranges, lemons, and every luxurious article both foreign and domestic.”³ Princeton’s temporary status as the nation’s capital breathed life into the small town, filling it with officials, dignitaries, and merchants eager to cater to Congress’s needs.
It had leaped at a bound into national importance; from a “little obscure village” it had within the week “become the capital of America.” And where the “almost perfect silence” of a country hamlet was wont to reign, now nothing was “to be seen or heard but the passing and rattling of wagons, coaches and chairs.” To supply the metropolitan taste of Congressmen the produce of Philadelphia markets was brought up every week, with the result that the village street now echoed to the unfamiliar “crying about of pineapples, oranges, lemons, and every luxurious article both foreign and domestic.” - The Continental Congress at Princeton, page 57
Meanwhile, Philadelphia grappled with economic hardship from losing its position as the seat of government. In an effort to regain Congress, Philadelphia newspapers downplayed the soldiers’ mutiny that had driven Congress out, publishing accounts that contradicted official reports, such as those recorded in the Journals of Congress. One such account, reprinted in the Country Journal of Providence, claimed that no harm had been done and the incident was a minor disturbance:
“No address was made to Congress, which was assembled upon special business; but not choosing to deliberate under bayonets of an armed mob, they retired without any other insult offered to them, collectively or individually.”⁴
While Congress convened in Princeton, federal departments remained in Philadelphia, hoping for Congress’s return. Superintendent of Finance Robert Morris requested permission to resume his duties in Philadelphia, to which President Boudinot, uncertain of the capital’s future, responded on June 30, “had no objections to you returning to Philadelphia and resuming the business of your department.”⁵
On the mutiny, Congress deliberated over Alexander Hamilton’s proposed resolution directing General Howe to lead 1,500 troops to Philadelphia, disarm the mutineers, and bring them to trial. Despite some objections, Washington had already acted on Boudinot’s original request for assistance, ordering Howe to mobilize. On July 1, 1783, the USCA formally authorized Howe to advance:
"That Major General Howe be directed to march such part of the force under his command as he shall judge necessary to the State of Pennsylvania... and in general to make full examination into all parts of the transaction."⁶
Howe set out for Philadelphia, halting in Trenton, where he was joined by General St. Clair en route to Princeton. St. Clair updated President Boudinot, suggesting a thorough inquiry into the mutiny. Boudinot relayed the suggestion to Washington, who ordered Judge Advocate Edwards to oversee the inquiry:
"General St. Clair is now here, and this moment suggests an Idea... the Judge Advocate should be directed to attend the Inquiry."⁷
However, tensions rose when St. Clair, already instrumental in handling the mutiny, perceived Congress’s directive to Howe as a slight to his authority. Delegate Richard Peters later explained to fellow delegate Thomas Fitzsimons that Congress had not intended to supersede St. Clair but feared a misunderstanding could harm relations.⁸
Ultimately, Congress deferred to St. Clair’s handling of the mutiny, granting pardons to the mutineers under his recommendation. Peace was restored, and St. Clair’s potential dispute with Congress was quietly resolved through Boudinot’s tactful leadership. Historians like William Henry Smith note that Congress’s confidence in St. Clair remained intact, and the situation, though tense, was resolved amicably:
"Before this force could reach Philadelphia, St. Clair and the Executive Council had succeeded in quieting the disturbance without bloodshed... Explanations followed, showing that St. Clair had misconstrued the order, and peace prevailed once more."⁹
This period marked Nassau Hall as a historic seat of the U.S. government. Congress’s presence highlighted the shortcomings of the Articles of Confederation, under which the federal government could not guarantee its own security, a realization that would contribute to the Constitution’s drafting four years later.
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Exhibited here is the Country Journal's front page full reprint of a letter to the Philadelphia Freeman's Journal addressed to Mr. Baily that blatantly contradicts, delegate letters, and official accounts including the one published in the 1783 Journals of Congress:The late mutiny of the Continental troops in this City, has been attended with consequences so interesting to the United States, and affecting to the honor of this, that I presume the following account will not be disagreeable to your readers, who may be assured of its authenticity in all the material parts, and without known or intended inaccuracy in any. About two weeks ago, advice was received from Colonel Butler, commanding officer at Lancaster, that the troops there discovered a very discontented temper, which he apprehended would soon break out into some open acts of mutiny. A few days after farther advices came, that a party had actually thrown off all obedience to their officers and marched to Philadelphia, notwithstanding the utmost exertions of their officers to prevent it. Accordingly, on Thursday the 17th ult. about eighty soldiers, without officers, but completely armed, with bayonets fixed, drums beating, and green boughs in their hats, marched down Market Street, and proceeded to the barracks, where there were quartered 150 old soldiers, lately arrived from Carolina, the corps of artillery, and others of different corps, to the amount of 400 in whole. No measures were taken, except conferences between President and Council, and Congress, till the Saturday following; when, to the astonishment of the city, and public dishonor, these troops, with fixed bayonets, and drums beating, marched to the State-House, the seat of Congress, and the Supreme Executive Council. Having placed guards at different doors, and sent off detachments to those places where supposed arms and ammunition were deposited, they sent up written paper to the President and Council, desiring that they might be authorized to choose their own officers, and demanding an answer in 20 minutes, or an enraged soldiery would be let in upon them. No address was made to Congress, which was assembled upon special business; but not choosing to deliberate under bayonets of an armed mob, they retired without any other insult offered to them, collectively or individually. In the meantime the soldiery grew very clamorous, complaining of the detention of their pay, while all the civil officers under Congress were amply and punctually paid of the non-settlement of their accounts, and attempts to disband them without such settlement, intermixed with general reproaches on public authority of every kind, especially upon those officers whose duty they conceived it was to effect such settlement – and threats of violence if their complaints were not instantly attended to. In the meantime, the weather being war, and a tavern very convenient, many of them got intoxicated, and others being conversed with by indifferent persons, grew more reasonable and moderate, especially the old soldiers from Carolina; for it should be observed, the most noisy and troublesome were the recruits, many of whom had not even a uniform, and had not been in actual service during the war. Towards the evening they were persuaded to return to the barracks, which they did; and Sunday and Monday passed quietly over; during which the President of the Council had frequent meetings and conferences with a committee of congress appointed for the purpose, the import of which I am not able to inform your readers, farther than that Congress finding their dignity and even safety to endangered, urged in very pressing terms for some measures to be taken for the security of both, ot at least for assurances what they were to expect to which they were unable to obtain any further satisfactory answer until Tuesday. This interval was spent in deliberations of council, without any result or plan, and observation upon the proceedings at the barracks, where the unchecked soldierly by this time had grown very insolent – during which, the city was in a state of most anxious and disagreeable suspense. On Tuesday the president called the field officers of the militia together, which was the first official notice of them in the whole transaction; there it is said his excellency communicated it, accompanied with some observations, and a request of information what might be expected from the militia, in case of any call for assistance. After some deliberations it was concluded, that a formal legal call would be inadequate to the present emergency, as the law requires three days notice; but in the case of necessity, that they should be called on as volunteers. They farther expressed as a general resentment, that the people were much at a loss to know what the complaints of the soldierly precisely were, that the militia would readily turn out to suppress any violence to private or public property, or personal safety, or any insult to public authority or private individuals; or if the complaints and demands of the soldiery were unreasonable, and they still continued to urge them; but that it appeared equitable to permit them to state their grievances, and if they appeared to be really such, it could not be doubted they would be redressed. This I am assured was the substance of the report; though some of the officers went so far as to assure the President that if he would undertake to execute them in any event, rather than such proceedings should pass unnoticed and unpunished. What report was made to Congress I cannot say further than to be presumed the sense of the officers were not well understood, as the proclamation which was published soon after declared, “they had not been able to obtain any assurances from the PRESIDENT 7 Council, of prompt and adequate exertions for the safety and protection:” in consequences which they thought it their duty to withdraw from the State and resume their public deliberations where they could do it with ease, honour, and safety, and with full confidence the wisdom and firmness of government for their protection. The next day after Congress had left the city, some expressions respecting the bank having dropped at the barracks, with hints of seizing some persons as hostages for their own safety; an alarm was instantly given, and the President requested the assistance of the citizens; upon which a guard was immediately turned out by the militia for the bank. However, the night passed away in perfect tranquility. During the night some officers had the curiosity to view the proceedings at the barracks, where they found the arms of the main guard asleep, and only one sentinel on actual duty and awake. The careless posture suggested an idea of surprising them, but it was not encouraged, though apparently very practicable. Before this time, in consequence of some permission or connivance from the President and Council, the mutinous soldiery had chosen sundry officers to state the grievances and frame a publication of the causes of the mutiny. But while this was suppose to be in agitation, a messenger came hastily from the barracks with a letter to an officer, who, through town, was in the way to receive it; but it was delivered to some others, of the committee of officers, who, supporting it related to the business of their appointment opened it, and found it signed with the initials of two officers, also of the committee, who have since absconded. The letter was very short, importing their advice to take measures for their own safety, as they could not protect them. This was the first sight confirmed into a hostile declaration against the officers, and the soldiers meant to throw everything into confusion, seize them and the officers of the government, etc… The town was soon filled with these alarming ideas. Orders were now instantly given for the light horse and militia to turn out for immediate service, and everything wore the face of immediate hostility. At the barracks there was little less alarms, for, as it has since appeared, the design of the letter had been wholly mistaken. The fact was, those two officers either designed to incriminate an innocent colleague, or guard him against the dangerous consequences of any longer fomenting and conducting the mutiny; and accomplices, alarmed with militia turning out a guard the evening before, and the disposition to check them which began to manifest itself upon the departure of Congress. and particularly the proclamation, which confirmed a report that Congress ordered the General and a body of troops from camp, all conspired to damp their proceedings. Several of the officers exerted themselves with great zeal and activity to improve these circumstances, so as to increase the terror which has visibly taken place. It has been before remarked, that the troops from Carolina had never heartily engaged the mutiny; we ought also injustice to add, tat Col. Porter’s artillery, as well as the a State-House as afterwards, discovered a much better disposition than the others and even shewed a desire of returning to their obedience, under their officers. Colonel Porter was among the foremost in his exertions to restore peace and good order. Nor ought the conduct of Captain Boude to pass without particular notice, as he instantly punished, in a most exemplary manner, a soldier and some ill intention inhabitant who were endeavoring to counteract the measures to bring the mutineers to duty. Finally this Company of Captain Boude’s under his influence led the way to open submission; the officers having prevailed on the men to lay down their arms, to seek the President and Council, or in their absence, the President, and retract their proceedings, which they accordingly did; and his Excellency being mounted on a table in the street, made them a speech, after which they returned to the barracks in good order. The next day a part marched off to Lancaster, and peace and tranquility have been again restored to this city. This I have endeavored to give your readers a faithful detail of this important transaction which I shall conclude by leaving them to those reflections which will doubtless arise when they look back on former occurrences in this city. However the state may suffer in its credit and interest, it is hoped a lesson of candour and moderation of censure will be taught by it to those who have been so ready on the former occasions to criminate those who had the direction of public affairs on critical occasions. It is also hoped the the hon. Congress, when they consider that the sense of this city was either misunderstood, or not sufficiently tried, will lay aside any prejudices they may have entertained, and again favour it with their residence. AN OBSERVER |
I wrote you this Morning about the Troops & told you that there were some Prospects of Sugar Plumbs from the Citizens & Council. But the Devil has set his Mark upon all this Business. I am clear it was the Intention & Determination of Congress that if General St. Clair chose to take the Command the Door was open & it was moved and agreed to that instead of General Howe, the Commanding General in Pennsylvania should be inserted. But now it seems this is not done. St. Clair is justly hurt by it as he has had an Agency in the Commencement of the Affair & now sees himself excluded. Tho' he would not have sought the Command yet Appearances are now against him. I assured the Malcontents of the City that their own General had the Option to take the Command if he would & therefore no Insult could be intended on the Citizens. It is now a strange General and strange Troops. The whole is a strange Medley & I will pledge myself for Nothing. But do have the Thing put upon such a Footing that our worthy Generals Feelings may not be injured or unjust Imputations thrown on his Conduct or Character.
Yours with Sincere Esteem,
Richard PetersAlexander Hamilton's motion ordering an inquiry into the instigation of the Pennsylvania mutiny, "the commanding officer in the said State" was to have charge of the investigation, but these words were struck out either in committee or in Congress. General St. Clair took it upon himself to write Congress a scathing letter, which was not read to Congress but answered by Elias Boudinot in this letter to the Commanding Officer:
Exhibited here is President Elias Boudinot's Princeton autographed letter signed to Major General Arthur St. Clair, dated July 9, 1783, regarding the USCA flight to Princeton with a P. S. stating the "You may depend on Congress having been perfectly satisfied with your conduct." . The letter is also docketed rcd by General Arthur St. Clair
Mr. Van Berkel arrived a few [days ago]. Congress are in a charming situation to receive him, [being] in an obscure village, undetermined where they will spend the Winter, and without a Minister of F.A
- The United States of America, may they be perpetual.
- The Congress.
- The King & Nation of France.
- General Washington and the American Army.
- The United Netherlands & all other free States in the world.
- His Catholic Majesty & all other Princes & Powers who have manifested Friendship to America.
- The Memory of the Patriots who have fallen for their Country. May kindness be shown to their widows & children.
- The French Officers & Army who served in America.
- Gratitude to our Friends & Moderation to our Enemies
- May all our Citizens be soldiers, & all our soldiers Citizens.
- Concord, Wisdom & Firmness to all American Councils.
- May our Country be always prepared for War, but disposed to Peace.
- Liberty & Happiness to all Mankind.
 |
Exhibited is a 1783 Account of Seat of Government offers by Kingston, NY, Annapolis, MD and Williamsburg, VA.Overtures have been made to Congress by the States of New York and Maryland, by which the former have offered to cede Congress, the township of Kingston, in the said State, as the future seat of Congress, together with an exempt jurisdiction therein the establishment of such judicature as Congress shall think proper. The state of Maryland have offered the city of Annapolis (with the unanimous concurrence of the inhabitants to subject themselves to the jurisdiction of Congress) the Assembly House for the sessions of Congress; the Governor's house for the President, and to build a hotel for each State at the expense of Maryland, provided it does not exceed £30,000 together, with a jurisdiction of whatever nature and extent Congress may judge necessary over the city, and 300 acres. The advantages that will derive to any State, in which Congress shall establish the seat of their future sessions, will, we doubt not, be fully weighed by the Legislature of this State; and the convenience which at first view presents itself in favour of the city of Williamsburg for that purpose, in which there are large, elegant, commodious public buildings now vacant, and a considerable tract of public lands thereto adjoining when added to superior advantages of its central situation to all America, will certainly counter-balance the liberal offers of the State of New York and Maryland, or any other State. |
That a committee of five be appointed to repair to the falls of Delaware, to view the situation of the country in its neighbourhood, and report a proper district for carrying into effect the preceding resolution: the members, Mr. Gerry, Mr. S. Huntington, Mr. Peters, Mr. Duane, Mr. Clark. (Ibid)
… re-consider the resolution of yesterday, by which the residence of Congress is to be fixed near the falls of Delaware, in order to fix on some other place that shall be more central, more favourable to the Union, and shall approach nearer to that justice which is due to the southern states. And on the question to re-consider the resolution of yesterday, by which the residence of Congress is to be fixed near the falls of Delaware. -- Journals of USCA, Wednesday October 9, 1783
Trenton was next proposed, on which question the votes were divided by the river Delaware . . . . The vicinity of the falls is to become the future seat of the Federal Government, unless a conversion of some of the Eastern States can be effected. - Madison Papers, Vol. 1, p. 576
And that until the buildings to be erected on the banks of the Delaware and Potomac shall be prepared for the reception of Congress, their residence shall be alternately at equal periods of not more than one year, and not less than six months in Trenton and Annapolis; and the President is hereby authorized and directed to adjourn Congress on the 12th day of November next, to meet at Annapolis on the 26th of the same month, for the despatch of public business. - Journals of USCA, Tuesday October 21, 1783
¹ Savage, Henry L., Nassau Hall: 1756-1956, Princeton University, September 22, 1956. ² The New American Magazine, 1760. ³ The Continental Congress at Princeton, p. 57. ⁴ Country Journal of Providence, reprint of the Philadelphia Freeman's Journal. ⁵ Elias Boudinot to Robert Morris, June 30, 1783. ⁶ Journals of the United States in Congress Assembled, July 1, 1783. ⁷ Elias Boudinot to George Washington, July 3, 1783, Letters of Delegates to Congress. ⁸ Richard Peters to Thomas Fitzsimons, July 2, 1783. ⁹ Smith, William Henry, The St. Clair Papers: The Life and Public Services of Arthur St. Clair, Vol. I, p. 115.
For students and teachers of U.S. history, this video features Stanley and Christopher Klos presenting America's Four United Republics Curriculum at the University of Pennsylvania's Wharton School. Filmed in December 2015, this video is an informal recording by an audience member capturing a presentation attended by approximately 200 students, professors, and guests. To explore the full curriculum, [download it here].
September 5, 1774 | October 22, 1774 | |
October 22, 1774 | October 26, 1774 | |
May 20, 1775 | May 24, 1775 | |
May 25, 1775 | July 1, 1776 |
July 2, 1776 to February 28, 1781
July 2, 1776 | October 29, 1777 | |
November 1, 1777 | December 9, 1778 | |
December 10, 1778 | September 28, 1779 | |
September 29, 1779 | February 28, 1781 |
March 1, 1781 to March 3, 1789
March 1, 1781 | July 6, 1781 | |
July 10, 1781 | Declined Office | |
July 10, 1781 | November 4, 1781 | |
November 5, 1781 | November 3, 1782 | |
November 4, 1782 | November 2, 1783 | |
November 3, 1783 | June 3, 1784 | |
November 30, 1784 | November 22, 1785 | |
November 23, 1785 | June 5, 1786 | |
June 6, 1786 | February 1, 1787 | |
February 2, 1787 | January 21, 1788 | |
January 22, 1788 | January 21, 1789 |
United States in Congress Assembled (USCA) Sessions
USCA | Session Dates | USCA Convene Date | President(s) |
First | 03-01-1781 to 11-04-1781* | 03-02-1781 | |
Second | 11-05-1781 to 11-03-1782 | 11-05-1781 | |
Third | 11-04-1782 to 11-02-1783 | 11-04-1782 | |
Fourth | 11-03-1783 to 10-31-1784 | 11-03-1783 | |
Fifth | 11-01-1784 to 11-06-1785 | 11-29-1784 | |
Sixth | 11-07-1785 to 11-05-1786 | 11-23-1785 | |
Seventh | 11-06-1786 to 11-04-1787 | 02-02-1787 | |
Eighth | 11-05-1787 to 11-02-1788 | 01-21-1788 | |
Ninth | 11-03-1788 to 03-03-1789** | None | None |
* The Articles of Confederation was ratified by the mandated 13th State on February 2, 1781, and the dated adopted by the Continental Congress to commence the new United States in Congress Assembled government was March 1, 1781. The USCA convened under the Articles of Confederation Constitution on March 2, 1781.** On September 14, 1788, the Eighth United States in Congress Assembled resolved that March 4th, 1789, would be commencement date of the Constitution of 1787's federal government thus dissolving the USCA on March 3rd, 1789.
Philadelphia | Sept. 5, 1774 to Oct. 24, 1774 | |
Philadelphia | May 10, 1775 to Dec. 12, 1776 | |
Baltimore | Dec. 20, 1776 to Feb. 27, 1777 | |
Philadelphia | March 4, 1777 to Sept. 18, 1777 | |
Lancaster | September 27, 1777 | |
York | Sept. 30, 1777 to June 27, 1778 | |
Philadelphia | July 2, 1778 to June 21, 1783 | |
Princeton | June 30, 1783 to Nov. 4, 1783 | |
Annapolis | Nov. 26, 1783 to Aug. 19, 1784 | |
Trenton | Nov. 1, 1784 to Dec. 24, 1784 | |
New York City | Jan. 11, 1785 to Nov. 13, 1788 | |
New York City | October 6, 1788 to March 3,1789 | |
New York City | March 3,1789 to August 12, 1790 | |
Philadelphia | Dec. 6,1790 to May 14, 1800 | |
Washington DC | November 17,1800 to Present |
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202-239-1774 | Office
Dr. Naomi and Stanley Yavneh Klos, Principals
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